What's Wrong With Socialism?
Joe Herring, American Thinker,
November 12, 2009
I recall a conversation I had with a young coworker in the
latter weeks of Obama's campaign for president. Joe the plumber
had just exposed the redistributionist bent of the candidate,
and I expressed my assessment of Mr. Obama as a not-so-closeted
socialist. My coworker then quite earnestly asked, "What's so
wrong with socialism?"
I initially assumed he must be joking, although his face gave no
indication. I stared at him dumbfounded, only later realizing I
must have looked like a palsied old man -- my mouth working
wordlessly, the incomprehension as evident on my face as the
sincerity on his. It eventually dawned on me that he really
didn't know what was wrong with socialism. I began reciting the
litany of horrors: the crimes of the Holocaust, the purges of
the Soviets, the thuggery and inhuman brutality of the statist
regimes of the last century. The Nazis, for crissake! How could
he not know about the evil of the Nazis? He listened to all of
this, nodding his understanding as he recognized some of the
events I described, but I could still see a question behind his
eyes. While he had been taught of the existence of these
atrocities, he had not been clued into the one commonality they
shared. They were all perpetrated by the adherents of various
forms of socialism. Indeed, such crimes were the only outcome
possible.
In the late 1930s, the noted economist Friedrich Von Hayek wrote
his landmark pamphlet "Road to Serfdom," laying bare the
diseased skeleton of socialist/utopian thought that had
permeated academia and the salons of his day. With an economy of
words that showcased the significance of his conclusion, he
pointed out the Achilles heel of collectivist dogma: for a
planned economy to succeed, there must be central planners, who
by necessity will insist on universal commitment to their plan.
How do you attain total commitment to a goal from a free people?
Well, you don't. Some percentage will always disagree, even if
only for the sake of being contrary or out of a desire to be
left alone. When considering a program as comprehensive as a
government-planned economy, there are undoubtedly countless
points of contention, such as how we will choose the planners,
how we will order our priorities when assigning them importance
within the plan, how we will allocate resources when competing
interests have legitimate claims, who will make these decisions,
and perhaps more pertinent to our discussion, how those
decisions will be enforced. A rift forming on even one of these
issues is enough to bring the gears of this progressive endeavor
grinding to a halt. This fatal flaw in the collectivist design
cannot be reengineered. It is an error so critical that the
entire ideology must be scrapped.
Von Hayek accurately foretold the fate that would befall
dissenters from the plan. They simply could not be allowed to
get in the way. Opposition would soon be treated as subversion,
with debate shriveling to non-existence under the glare of the
state. Those who refused compliance would first be marginalized,
then dehumanized, and finally (failing re-education) eliminated.
Collectivism and individualism cannot long share the same bed.
They are political oil and water, and neither can compromise its
position without eventually succumbing to the other. The history
of the twentieth century is littered with the remains of those
who became "enemies of the state" for merely drawing attention
to this flaw. As Von Hayek predicted, the socialist vision would
not be achieved without bloodshed.
So this is the challenge we face. My young coworker had no frame
of reference by which to judge the events unfolding around him.
He had been presented with only the
intentions of socialism, not the inevitable results. He had
been given the whitewashed fantasy of the Left, who never saw a
failure that couldn't be rationalized -- or better yet, blamed
on others. Our job, then, is to teach the lessons of history to
those who fail to see the danger. We have to provide that
all-important perspective to a generation that has been denied
it. We have to do this one at a time, conversation by
conversation. Tell your friends the truth; don't assume they
know it. Become the person your friends and family consult when
the subject turns to politics.
I successfully informed my coworker of the irreparable crack in
the foundation of socialist thinking, and he is now aware of the
need to burrow beneath the surface of politics to find the roots
from which the tree springs. We can't wait until the tree bears
fruit to determine its worth. Fruit bears seeds, and seeds
scatter. Better to tear it out as a single sapling now than to
hew down an entire forest of diseased wood after it has poisoned
the ground.
The Left will not willingly lay claim to the true legacy of
socialism, so we will have to hang it around their necks. They
have grown accustomed to shedding responsibility for the damage
they have done, and are adept at shifting the blame. Traditional
means of holding them to account are failing. Fellow travelers
in the academy and media will not challenge even their most
egregious lies, so howling about bias will gain us nothing.
If
you doubt the effectiveness of the Left's methods, ask any ten
people under the age of forty whether Hitler and the Nazis were
a product of left-wing or right-wing ideology. The obstacle we
face will become painfully clear. It is not enough that
you know the truth. You alone are not
likely to singlehandedly shape the outcome of an election.
Everyone has to know the truth. We have
to reclaim our younger generations from the wolf in sheep's
clothing, or it won't be long before the wolf no longer needs
the disguise.
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